Rand Paul Wins Senate GOP Primary in Kentucky

May 18, 2010 Author theSuperStar
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Rand Paul

Tea Party favorite Rand Paul, who defeated Republican establishment candidate Trey Grayson in Tuesday’s GOP Senate primary in Kentucky, warned Washington to “watch out, here we come.”

After giving the anti-big government movement its most significant political victory yet, Paul said the Tea Party Movement has a message that is loud and clear and does not mince words.

“We have come to take our government back,” he said in his victory speech, drawing thunderous applause from his supporters.

“It’s just a tremendous mandate for the Tea Party,” he said. “It cannot be overstated that people want something new. They don’t want the same old, same old politicians and I think they think the system is broken and needs new blood.” source.

Related Reading:

Mad As Hell: How the Tea Party Movement Is Fundamentally Remaking Our Two-Party SystemMad As Hell: How the Tea Party Movement Is Fundamentally Remaking Our Two-Party System

Today's raucous revolt against Washington and Wall Street is a classic populist uprising. In Mad As Hell, two respected political pollsters show what it means for the future of American politics.

The riotous tea parties and angry town hall meetings of last summer seemingly took everyone by surprise. They shouldn’t have: populistmovements have always arisen in times of economic hardship and uncertainty. In Mad As Hell, pollsters Scott Rasmussen and Doug Schoen use extensive and original research to explore the mind and heart of the populist uprising that has suddenly thrown American politics into turmoil.

In the past, populist movements have taken root either on the right or on the left. Today’s populist revolt is unusually broad and has two wings: a left wing that wants universal health care and redistributiveeconomic policies, and a right wing that wants to reduce the power of government to interfere in our lives. Both are hostile to the Washington political class, Wall Street, and the mainstream media—all of which they consider out of touch with the concerns of “real” Americans. The key difference is that left populists are effectively represented by Barack Obama and congressional Democrats who are pursuing their agenda, while right populists are chiefly representedby Fox News and Rush Limbaugh— an angrier and potentially more powerful political force.

So-called professionals in politics, business, and media have completely failed to comprehend the new populism and have dismissed it as marginal and extreme. The authors explore the broad-based natureof the new populist movement and explain how it is reshaping American politics—whether politicians and elite journalists like it or not.

The Tea Party movement is not a flash in the pan,as many have assumed. Nor is it a movement of racist rednecks and ignorant boobs, as its detractors have crudely suggested. To the contrary, it is an authenticgrassroots movement of concerned American citizens demanding to be heard by an out-of-touch political establishment. Their concerns are real and their issues are legitimate, the authors maintain; moreover, the new populism is here to stay, and it has already changedour politics for the better.

In Mad As Hell, Rasmussen and Schoen have produced an authoritative guide to the new populism, featuring a combination of proprietary polling data, political analysis, results from online focus groups,and interviews with on-the-ground players. It is must-reading for anyone interested in American electoral politics for the remainder of the decade.

Without Consent: Mass-Elite Linkages in Presidential Politics (Blazer Lectures)Without Consent: Mass-Elite Linkages in Presidential Politics (Blazer Lectures)

" The transmission of policy preferences from the mass electorate to the political elite is the subject of Warren Miller's illuminating new book. The elites of whom he writes are the delegates to recent nominating conventions analyzed in their subsequent roles as activists in presidential election campaigns. Miller delineates circumstances and conditions that affect the degree to which the issue preferences of these elite activists are more or less representative of those held by rank-and-file members of the nation's electorate. Miller argues that, although consent and accountability are basic principles in the theory of democratic representation, the ways in which convention delegates are selected are not designed to implement these principles. Miller explains why elites who campaign on behalf of particular candidates are less representative of mass policy opinions that are those who campaign on behalf of their parties, and why, ironically, the elites who campaign on behalf of specific policies are even less representative of the issue positions of their parties' rank-and-file partisans.

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